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Before the Collapse of Coexistence: Catholics, Jews, Conversos Collaborated in the Bishopric of Plasencia By Roger Louis Martinez From HaLapid, Winter 2007 In
1442, as the fabulously wealthy and militarily powerful Catholic Counts
of Bejar began to assert their seigniorial control over the
Extremaduran-valley city of Plasencia, Spain—a tightly knit network of
Catholic, converso,
and Jewish families utilized the Cathedral of Plasencia to not only
outmaneuver the Counts of Bejar, but more importantly, to shield Jewish
families and their properties from the Counts of Bejar. In
a period better known for its religious intolerance and violence toward
Jews, beginning with the devastating anti-Jewish riots across the
Kingdom of Castile and Leon in the 1390s and peaking with the expulsion
of the Jews from Spain in 1492, the Bishopric and city of Plasencia
retained a vital adherence to inter-religious collaboration and
negotiation. With the stroke of his ecclesiastical quill in March 1442, Licentiate and Archdeacon Rodrigo de Carvajal facilitated the post-dated
purchase and leaseback of multiple Jewish properties owned by Juan de
Bergara, Dana de Cerjo, and Sr. Alenabar to one of Rodrigo’s nephews,
Diego Gonzalez de Carvajal. By recording in the year 1442 and in the Cathedral of Plasencia’s Book of Acts that
these property transactions occurred in 1430 and 1436, Rodrigo de
Carvajal ensured the Counts of Bejar would neither dictate justice to
nor collect valuable taxes from these Jewish families. Further, these leaseFback properties now fell under the authority of the Catholic Carvajal family, a faithful forty-year ally of the converso Santa María/Ha-Levi family and the Jewish aljama of Plasencia. Throughout
the fifteenth century the Carvajal and Santa María families labored as
critical leaders and administrators within the Cathedral of
Plasencia—negotiating their own unique form of Spanish convivencia,
or co-existence, which required religious conversion for Jewish Ha-Levi
family, but cultural and intellectual transformation on the part of the
Catholic Carvajal family. While there is a substantial body of evidence
demonstrating the intensive interaction of the Carvajal and Santa María
families in Plasencia throughout the fifteenth century, there are
several central family members that dominate the period—they include:
Bishop Gonzalo García de Santa María; Gonzalo García de Carvajal, Dean
of the Council of the Cathedral of Plasencia; Alfonso García de Santa
María; Doctor Garci Lopez de Carvajal, royal advisor to the crown; and
Juan de Carvajal, Cardinal and Bishop of Plasencia. Tracking
the lives, work, and properties owned by these families highlight the
collective nature of the actions taken by the Santa María and Carvajal
families to not only secure their own families’ prosperity and success,
but also the careful guarding of Jewish allies in Plasencia.
Continuously throughout the early fifteenth century the Santa María and
Carvajal families appeared to commingle power, property, and wealth to
their mutual benefit. Equally fascinating,
but disturbing, is how the Santa María family chartered a path of
collaboration and conversion for its family lineage as a survival
strategy as Spain became increasingly focused on creating a Catholic
people in the late fifteenth century. These
lives and events that transpired in fifteenth century Plasencia
demonstrate medieval Iberia’s world of religious and cultural conflict
and cooperation –what the Spanish historian Americo Castro
characterized as the tension of convivencia—did not evaporate overnight as the Spanish Catholic kingdoms marched south toward Granada. In
particular, several late fourteenth-mid fifteenth century events in
Burgos, the ancestral home of the Ha-Levi/Santa María family, and in
Plasencia demonstrate why and how key Jewish, Catholic, and converso families used the institution of the Catholic bishopric to advance their common interests. Before
exploring the world that the Carvajal and Santa María families lived
in, first consider the historical context of Jewish-Catholic
interrelations in the Kingdom of Castile and Leon and the broader
Iberian Peninsula. In 1429, a curious event occurred in Burgos that has received very little scholarly attention. That is, the Jewish aljama
of Burgos purchased the succession of the Catholic Bishopric of Burgos
in 1429 for one of their own converted brethren, Alonso de Cartagena,
who himself was the son of Bishop Pablo de Santa María (formerly, Rabbi
Solomon Ha-Levi.) In the heart of Catholic
Castile and with the clear consent of the Spanish Crown, the Jews of
Burgos guaranteed the bishop’s hat for one of their own. While
most Spanish and Sephardic histories are quick to report on the deep
partition between Jewish and Catholic populations – this is not the
entire truth. How
did this Jewish convert, Alonso de Cartagena, become a Catholic
bishop–how did this all transpire? First, consider that this event was
not an isolated one, but rather part of a century-long intensive
interaction between specific Catholic noble families and elite Jewish
families. In archival records littered
across the municipal, church, and state archives of the old Kingdom of
Castile and Leon, one can encounter countless documents that speak of
the close family and occupational associations of several Catholic
families and the Jewish Ha-Levi and Leyva families (possibly the same
family) from 1390 until 1480 in Burgos, Plasencia, Salamanca, and Bejar. Those
families that readily engaged each other in business dealings (and
possibly intermarried,) included the Catholic Zuniga, de Toledo,
Guzman, and Carvajal families; and the Jewish Santa María (Ha-Levi) and
Loaysa (Leyva) families. Why was this the case? Clearly, there was something
to be gained by both parties by coordinating their family and official
activities—in spite of the religious and cultural taboos of doing so. Starting
as early as the late fourteenth century as the Kingdom of Castile and
Leon dragged itself out disastrous internal civil conflicts and
inter-kingdom wars on the Iberian Peninsula, elite Jewish families were
presented with a dire situation and choices. To
survive and co-exist on the Iberian Peninsula many prosperous Jewish
families necessarily chose mass conversion to Catholicism as the
prerequisite for their economic, social, and cultural survival. In
many ways, this conversion was an extreme form of co-existence for
Jewish families, which demanded these families’ collaboration in the
bolstering of royal and Catholic institutions. In
return, those Jews willing to convert, not only was there the
opportunity to find a permanent social space within the broader
Castilian society, but the chance to influence and shape it. Perhaps, even the prospect of a future that recognized and celebrated both its Jewish and Catholic religious and cultural roots. Similarly,
these family alliances demanded that Catholics incorporate certain
Jewish intellectual and cultural beliefs and practices into their lives
as well. If religious biases against Jews could be overcome by
Castilian elites and peasants alike, then the infusion of Jewish
intellectual, cultural, and financial resources could propel the
hybridized Catholic families into superior positions within the church
and the royal bureaucracy, in addition to their existing strength in
the Catholic military orders. The
chain of events that initiated this Catholic and Jewish family trade
and alliance commenced as early as 1390 in Burgos, when Rabbi Solomon
Ha-Levi converted to Catholicism and became Pablo de Santa María. Pablo’s
five siblings, who took varied surnames including Burgos, García, Santa
María, Cartagena, Diaz, and Nuñez, similarly converted to Catholicism
and could be found in Cartagena, Burgos, Valladolid, Salamanca, and
several cities in the Extremadura. While
many of Bishop Pablo de Santa María’s family members did remain in
Burgos, at least two of his sons traveled on a regular basis to
Plasencia in the Extremadura, and at least one settled there. Gonzalo
García de Santa María, was made the Bishop of Plasencia in 1423 and
served in this role until at least 1446 and possibly as late as 1451. Additionally, his sibling, Alvar García de Santa María (a Jewish converso
caballero) simultaneously arrived in this region of the Extremadura
precisely when the Catholic Carvajal family began a process of
converting themselves from lesser caballeros and men of war to learned
ecclesiastical leaders. However,
it was the year 1405 when the bold moves of the Ha-Levi clan (now the
converted Santa María family) became readily apparent when the former
rabbi was named Bishop of Cartagena. As
bishop, Pablo would establish several of his sons in leading
ecclesiastical positions and see to it that others participated in the
military Reconquista. Pablo’s sons in turn
promoted several Carvajales into new ecclesiastical positions, opening
up pathways to economic and status successes. Capturing the Institution of the Bishopric In
the year 1415, the designs of these associated Jewish and Catholic
families becomes crystal clear– generating familial power and wealth
through the Catholic institution of the bishopric. In this same year,
convert Pablo de Santa María was installed as Archbishop of Burgos in
1415 and one of Diego Lopez de Zuniga and Juana García de Leyva’s sons,
Gonzalo de Zuniga, is placed into the position of Bishop of Plasencia. The
Plasencia bishopric is of critical importance because will be passed
within these collaborative families starting in the fifteenth century
and well into the 16th century. Within
two decades the Santa María clan not only established itself in the
Catholic hierarchy, but also insured the success of its next generation. On
the heels of the retirements of the Archbishop Pablo de Santa María
(Ha-Levi) and the Bishop Gonzalo de Zuniga, in the 1420s and 1430s the
sons of Pablo secured significant ecclesiastical positions and the
remaining Jews of the aljama of Burgos made a significant investment in this next generation of Jewish converso
leaders, and their strongest of allies, the Carvajal family. As I
discussed before, these close associations of the Catholic, Jewish, and
converso families generated great consternation among those Old Christians that regarded the Jews anathema to Christianity and the purity of Catholic genealogies. The
first of Pablo’s sons to succeed him in the Catholic leadership was
Alonso de Cartagena, who was named the Bishop of Burgos in 1429 and was
later reconfirmed by the Church council of the Cathedral of Burgos and
the Jewish aljama in 1439. Alonso was a powerful voice for fair treatment of Jewish conversos during the mid-fifteenth century, arguing in his Defensorium Unitatis Christiane (“In Defense of Christian Unity”) that not only did “sacred law” dictate that Jewish converts to Christianity and “Old Christians” were “brothers,” but Old Christian noble and Jewish families were heavily intermarried and shared blood lineages. Further, the bishop emphatically stated that there was no truth to blood purity and Old Christian
labels since most of the Catholic nobility were intermarried with Jews,
including the Manrique, Mendoza, Guzman, Zuniga, and Lopez clans, but
most importantly for our discussion, Diego Lopez de Zuniga’s family.
Our fifteenth century eyewitness, Alonso, was well positioned to know
these hidden facts given his own family lineage, the Ha-Levi family,
and his position as intermediary between Jewish and Catholic
communities when he served as Bishop of Burgos. Unresolved Complications with the Carvajal Lineage Now
to fully complicate the matter of religious identity for these “old”
versus “new” Catholic families, let us take a closer look at a
manuscript from the Cathedral of Burgos that recorded Alonso de
Cartagena as bishop. In this 1439 document
twenty elite members of the Jewish aljama guaranteed that the Jewish
community of Burgos would regularly pay the Council of the Cathedral of
Burgos for protection of their rights, as well as to confirm Alonso as
the bishop. Interestingly, among the twenty Jews named in the document
was one—Yucef de Carvajal. Although the Carvajal family was clearly dominated in numbers by its Old Christian
lineages, the appearance of a Jewish Yucef de Carvajal in Burgos leads
one to believe that some Carvajal lineages were a part of the Sephardim. What I also find intriguing is that Alonso de Cartagena’s treatise, In Defense of Christian Unity,
did not name the Carvajal family as a Catholic-Jewish intermarried
family. He also did not name his own family surnames—García, Santa
María, Cartagena, Burgos, Diaz, or Nuñez. Perhaps, by 1449, Alonso de
Cartagena suspected his pleas for tolerance were falling on deaf ears? Perhaps,
he did not want to jeopardize the safety and positions of some his own
extended family and their allies, like the Carvajal family? Precisely
what was the relationship of the prominent Jewish Yucef de Carvajal to
the Carvajal family circulating in Castile and Leon and the
Extremadura, I have not been able to ascertain. But
his appearance in the middle of this rather important and very public
transaction leads one to suspect that at least one arm of the Carvajal
was Jewish and also directly involved in the broader transactions
interlocking the Zuniga-Leyva-Santa María/Ha-Levi-Carvajal families in
Burgos and Plasencia. Unfortunately, the
archival record has not yet revealed any definitive confessional
secrets about the Carvajal family, but their collaborative efforts with
the Jewish Santa María family in Plasencia generate a repetitive
chatter in many of the manuscripts in the care of the Cathedral of
Plasencia, which we will turn to now. Together,
the Santa María and Carvajal clans of Plasencia intensively utilized
the local church to further enhance each other’s familial wealth and
opportunities. For instance, in 1427 Bishop
Gonzalo García de Santa María demonstrated his close affinity with the
Carvajal not only in words, but with significant financial returns. At that time Bishop Gonzalo García conceded a two-fifths portion of church property known as “El Berrocal,” as well as 15 maravedies
in annual rents from a house on Calle de Trujillo, to Dr. Garci Lopez
de Carvajal. Although the Cathedral of Plasencia had collected 600 maravedies
in rent off El Berrocal in the recent past, Bishop Gonzalo gave these
properties to Garci Lopez de Carvajal in perpetuity provided he pay the
church only half of its former rents. (See Figure 1.) Bishop
Gonzalo’s rational for granting these rents and properties to Garci
Lopez, then a royal counselor to King Juan II, was that he had provided
the bishop with “assistance and council” in certain business affairs. This
seems an important finding because Doctor Garci Lopez de Carvajal is
one of the first Carvajal’s to change the family profession from
caballeros to royal counselors and to begin accumulating substantial
family wealth. Prior to Dr. Garci Lopez de
Carvajal, most Carvajales were modestly wealthy caballeros, like his
father Don Alvar García de Orellana/Bejarano and his maternal
grandfather, Don Diego Gonzalez de Carvajal y Vargas. Likewise, the Carvajales returned these favors to the Santa Marías. For
instance, in 1433, Gonzalo García de Carvajal, Archdeacon of the
Cathedral of Plasencia, granted Bishop Gonzalo’s relative, Canon
Alfonso García de Santa María, a portion of lands along the Parrales
river, which was previously wholly owned by the Carvajal family. In
addition, to these land transfers there is also the issue of the
geographic proximity of the Santa María and Carvajal properties. Another example that we can highlight relates to a property owned by Alfonso García de Santa María on Calle de Trujillo in 1435. These
properties are adjacent to the vineyards of Dona Sevilla Lopez de
Villalobos, the spouse of Don Diego de Gonzales de Carvajal de Vargas.
And yet, in another document, in the same year the Church council rents
“una casa, vergel, corral, y establo” previously held by Gonzalo García
de Carvajal to Alfonso García de Santa María for the total sum of 5 maravedies a year. These expansive properties were also adjacent to other homes owned by Dr. García Lopez de Carvajal. Time
and time again, the Santa María and Carvajal families appeared to
commingle power, property, and wealth to their mutual benefit. This
constant shifting of ownership and renting of church council and
personal properties clearly generated financial and material benefits
to these families, but I am also curious about the extent of these
transactions that seem to shuffle and confuse the long-term ownership
of these church and personal properties. At
the end of the process in the late fifteenth century, the Santa Marías
appear not only to have disappeared from the archival record in
Plasencia, but their rented and owned properties seem to have either
returned to the local church or transferred in ownership to the
Carvajals. Beyond
the immediate benefits of these financial transactions to the Carvajal
and Santa María families, the Santa María-installed Carvajal clerics
also seem to have used their religious authority to cast protective
umbrellas over some Jewish families and their properties in Plasencia. One
of the emerging familial conflicts in the mid to late fifteenth century
in Plasencia was waged by the Zuniga lineage, or the wealthy Counts of
Bejar, and the lesser caballeros and rising-royal and ecclesiastical
leaders, the Carvajales. While it is
impossible to discuss this conflict in detail at this time, I will
briefly explain that the Carvajales allied themselves with the Reyes Católicos
(Ferdinand and Isabel) in a power struggle that removed the city of
Plasencia from the jurisdiction of Condes de Bejar, or the Zuniga
clan’s Mayorazgo (the Spanish version of primogeniture and its passing of family lands to the eldest son). Some
of those persons caught in the middle of this conflict were Jewish
families in Plasencia, which was a contested city by the royal crown
and the Condes of Bejar. When cities moved from local lord to royal jurisdiction, and vice versa, so did jurisdiction. More importantly, local justice, taxes, and rents were transferred as well. Almost
immediately from the year (1441) King Juan II gave the city of
Plasencia to the Zuniga clan, in return for their donation of the
cities of Trujillo and Ledesma to the crown, the Carvajales and Zunigas
entered into aggressive brinksmanship through the power they
administered through the church council of the Cathedral of Plasencia. Using
the council, the Carvajales transferred Jewish properties out of the
jurisdiction of Condes of Bejar and into the stewardship of the local
bishopric and the Carvajales. For
instance in March 1442, about six months after the Zuniga’s assumed
control of the city of Plasencia, the Licentiate and Archdeacon Rodrigo
de Carvajal facilitated the purchase of multiple Jewish properties
owned by Juan de Bergara, Dana de Cerjo, and Alenabar to one of his
nephews, Diego Gonzalez de Carvajal. After these purchases were
complete, these same properties were rented back to these same Jewish
families. Interestingly, the sale of these properties occurred
purportedly in 1430 and 1436, but the transaction was not recorded
until 1442, after the Zuniga’s assumption of the city. Likewise, other
members of the Carvajal clan worked in concert with the sheltering of
Jewish assets. In what appear to be related
transactions, in 1441 Diego de Carvajal y Vargas, brother-in-law of
García Lopez de Carvajal, is reportedly a landlord to the Jewish
families of Haranon and Chapus. Here to it
appears the Carvajal family may have previously purchased Jewish homes
to prevent their transfer to the jurisdiction of the Zunigas. The
Carvajales continued these land-gathering, but protective actions well
into the mid- and late-1400s, under the authority of the future Bishop
of Plasencia, Cardinal Juan de Carvajal. By
preventing these Jewish properties from moving into the Zuniga’s
Mayorazgo and instead passing them into the Carvajal’s possession, the
Carvajales were able to simultaneously deny the Zuniga’s valuable rents
and remove the Jews from the legal jurisdiction of the Zuniga’s
authority. I am not certain why these jurisdictional transfers took place, and I am still studying the documents, but clearly there was something to be gained by the Jews and the Carvajales in the process. Given the Carvajales’ close association with the Santa Marías and their own dealings with conversos and Jews alike, it seems that the Carvajales were a more favorable local landlord and ally. As
tensions developed in Plasencia between the Zuniga and Carvajal clans,
the Carvajal family finally found itself a new master of its own
destiny with the rise of own elite clergymen. It
appears that the Santa María family made this possible as they
transitioned out of leadership positions in Plasencia and made those
available to their allies, the Carvajales. One
confusing element of this transition is the transfer of the Bishopric
of Plasencia from Gonzalo García de Santa María to the Juan de Carvajal. While
historians like Don Francisco Gonzalez Cuesta report that Juan assumed
the position in 1446, it appears both men are simultaneously using the
title of bishop in local church records from 1446 through 1451. Why
there is this discrepancy in who is reportedly the bishop is difficult
to explain, but it does suggest that the title may have been utilized
more loosely, possibly shared among key leaders in the local Plasencia
church. With
the phased retirement of Plasencia Bishop Gonzalo García de Santa
María, and the Carvajal firmly planted within the royal bureaucracy and
the military orders, the Plasencia-based family pushed forward its
first candidate for bishop, Juan de Carvajal. Juan was a new type of Carvajal. While
he retained the Carvajal’s fierce militarism as demonstrated by his
caballero brethren, he also was an upcoming intellectual and capable
administrator. Juan first “attained distinction” not at home in the Extremadura, but within the holy city of the Vatican as auditor of the Rota and governor of the city. From
1441 to 1448, he served in the Vatican’s foreign service as a papal
legate to the German princes that had allied themselves against Pope
Eugene IV. It is because these activities required Juan de Carvajal to
be absent from Plasencia that it is plausible that Gonzalo held the
position during his absence. At
home, like his predecessor Gonzalo García de Santa María, and his other
Carvajal family members, Bishop Juan de Carvajal also actively granted
lucrative business deals to Jewish families with the assistance of his
brother, Archdeacon Rodrigo de Carvajal. For instance on May 6, 1450,
Rodrigo, under the authority of Bishop Juan de Carvajal, oversaw the
lease of a bountiful vineyard at the ford (the river narrows) of the
San Juan to the jubete maker, Salamon Abenhabibe. Here again we see
that the Carvajal family provide choice lands that could generate
agricultural and wine-producing income for some Jewish families. Likewise,
it is interesting to note that Salamon was in the business of
outfitting caballeros and fighting men, like the Carvajal family, with
military wares—which is further suggestive of the integrated
church-military relations of leading Catholic and Jewish families. In
a similar transaction on May 22, 1450, another vineyard was rented to
Salamon Abenhabibe, this time not only were the Carvajales involved,
but also witnessing the transaction were their Jewish-convert
allies—including cathedral treasurer, Alfonso García de Santa María,
and the archdeacon of Trujillo, Pedro Gonzalez de Ylliescas. Most
importantly, from the perspective of the Carvajales transformation from
a caballero to an ecclesiastical family, is the role Juan served as
fountainhead for the family’s illustrious expansion in the Catholic
Church. To give one a sense of the family network that led back to Juan, consider the following relationships. Juan
de Carvajal was the son of Sara de Carvajal of Plasencia and Licentiate
and “hijo noble” Juan de Tamayo of Trujillo. In Plasencia, his
previously mentioned brother, Rodrigo de Carvajal, served as
archdeacon; while his sister, Catalina de Carvajal married into the
illustrious converso de Toledo family. Catalina’s
son, Juan Suarez de Carvajal, would move on to the Bishopric of Lugo
from 1539-1561, and later served on the Council of the Indies and as an
advisor to King Phillip II. The most famous
of Carvajal clerics, Cardinal Bernardino Lopez de Carvajal and who
sought wrestle the papacy away from Pope Julius II through the
schismatic Council of Pisa in 1511, initially found his way to Vatican
opportunities through his uncle, Juan de Carvajal. In
summary, by positioning these events that transpired in Burgos and
Plasencia together, a remarkable picture of collaboration and
coordination emerges for the Carvajal and Santa María/Ha-Levi families,
as well as their associated families in both the Jewish and Catholic
communities. These closely-knit family
ties, only made possible through the mechanisms of the Catholic
bishopric, illuminate a fifteenth century Spain that has altogether
almost vanished because of the Inquisitorial dangers it posed to many
early modern Spanish families. The
intensive coordination of church affairs, including financial
transactions and institutional positions, by these collaborative
Catholic, Jewish, and converso
families also generated intensive animosities by everyday Castilians,
especially those that considered themselves too pure to commingle with
Jews and their converted descendents. Why
Catholic families like the Carvajales, converts like the Ha-Levi/Santa
María family, and the Spanish Castilian crown pursued these intensive
relationships, in spite of growing anti-Jewish biases during the
fifteenth century, might be explained by their perceived need of each
other’s assistance. I
believe the Catholic families, like the Carvajales, offered physical
and financial protection and cultural survival to the elite Jewish
families in return for religio-intellectual skills and financial
resources. The genesis and maintenance of Catholic-Jewish cooperation depended on this exchange. If
Catholic religious biases against Jews could be overcome by Castilian
elites and peasants alike, then the infusion of Jewish skills and
resources could help propel some Catholic families into superior
positions within the church and the royal bureaucracy, in addition to
their existing strengths in the Catholic military orders. For those
Jews willing to convert to Catholicism or to work closely with
Catholics, not only was there the opportunity to find a permanent
social space within the broader Castilian society, but the chance to
influence and shape it. Perhaps, even the prospect of a future that recognized and celebrated both its Jewish and Catholic religious and cultural roots. The
benefits of this Catholic-Jewish trade to the crown centered on the
Castilians’ fourteenth to fifteenth century bid for peninsular
supremacy over the Aragonese and Portuguese. This
coordination of Catholic and Jewish families could be put to work in
the crown’s vanguard of ecclesiastical, bureaucratic, and military
leadership positions and this the kingdom’s competitive position
vis-à-vis other Catholic kingdoms would certainly improve. Similarly,
in order for the Castilians to ensure a successful march to reclaim the
last remaining lands held by the Muslim Nasrid Kingdom of Granada, the
Spanish kingdom would need this interfamily cooperation to complete the
financially expensive and manpower-intensive task. Where
the boundaries of Catholic and Jewish cultural, familial, and religious
values are to be found in fifteenth century Spain are difficult to
locate. What remains from this still vibrant period of convivencia are
often inconclusive and difficult to interpret documents and many
guesses, concerns, and suspicions about the true intentions and
interests of the Santa María and Carvajal clans. What
we can acknowledge is that the Carvajales, Santa Marías, and the Jews
of Burgos and Plasencia, were readily collaborating and working
together throughout the early and mid fifteenth centuries. And one of those tools they employed to make this possible was none other than Catholic Church and its institutions. END NOTES 1Although
my research is inconclusive, it may be the case that the Ha-Levi and
Leyva families are either the same family or two branches of a common
ancestral family. 2Real Academia de Historia (RAH), Coleccion Floranes, B-16; Canteros Burgos 1952, 32, 120, 154. 3Gonzalez Cuesta, Los Obispos de Plasencia: Aproximacion al Espiscopologio Placentino 106. 4Canteros Burgos, Francisco. Alvar García de Santa María: Historia de la Juderia de Burgos y de sus conversos mas egregious. (Madrid: Instituto Arias Montano, 1952) 120, 154, 164; RAH Coleccion Salazar y Castro C-20, Folio 211-214. 5Walter Drum, "Paul of Burgos," The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition, vol. XI (New York: Robert Appleton Company [K. Knight], 1911). (Catholic Encyclopedia). 6Gonzalez Cuesta, Francisco. Los Obispos de Plasencia: Aproximacion al Espiscopologio Placentino (Plasencia: Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Plasencia, 2002) 95; Catholic Encyclopedia, Ibid. 7Alonso de Cartagena. Defensorium Unitatus Christianae, trans. P. Manuel Alonso, S.I. (Madrid: CSIC, 1943) 350-2. See also George Mariscal’s "The Role of Spain in Contemporary Race Theory," Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 2 (1998). 8Ibid. 352-55. 9Archivo de la Catedral de Burgos (ACB) Volumen 46, Folio 424. 10Ibid. Folio 97v-98v. 11The maravedi was a medieval coinage standard adopted by the Spanish Christian Kingdoms from the Islamic Almoravids. The
word maravedi is derived from the Mozarabic word relating to “devotion
to God,” as used by Almoravid ruler Abd Allah-ben-Yasim. While
maravedis were minted by Christian kingdoms in gold, silver, and
copper, the coin standard was increasingly debased into silver and
copper coinage in the later middle Ages. See: Cayon, Juan R. and Carlos
Castan. Las Monedas desde D. Pelayo (718) a Juan Carlos I (1980). (Madrid: Artegraf, 1979) 17. 12Ibid.; García Carraffa, Alberto y Arturo. Diccionario Heraldico y Genealogico de Apellidos Espanoles y Americanos, Vol. XXII (Madrid: Imprenta de Antonio Marzo, 1926) 271. 13RAH Colección Salazar y Castro C-20, 213v, 214v. 14ACP, Actas Capitulares 1399-1453, Libro 1, Folio 71v. 15Ibid. Folio 86-86v; RAH Coleccion Salazar y Castro C-20, 214v. 16Archivo de la Catedral de Plasencia (ACP), Actas Capitulares 1399-1453, Libro 1, Folio 83. 17Archivo Historico Nacional Seccion Nobleza (AHNSN) Osuna, Legajo 300, f. 1v-4v. 18Archivo Municipal de Plasencia (AMP), uncatalogued document, “Expediente a instancia de Dona Ines María de Vargas…1815.” 19ACP, Actas Capitulares 1399-1453, Libro 1, Folio 125-127. 20Gonzalez Cuesta, Los Obispos de Plasencia: Aproximacion al Espiscopologio Placentino 111; ACP, Actas Capitulares 1459-1476,
Libro 3, Folio 195v-196; ACP Legajo 269, No. 25; ACP Legajo Benavides
Checa, “Notas del Cabildo de Plasencia”; ACP Legajo 282, No. 9; ACP
Libro de Extratos, Tomo 2, fol. 11v-12. 21Thomas Shahan, "Juan Carvajal," The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition, vol. III (New York: Robert Appleton Company [K. Knight], 1908). 22Ibid. 23Fernandez, Alonso. Historia y Anales de la Ciudad y Obispado de Plasencia
(Caceres: Publicaciones del Departamento Provincial de Seminarios de
F.E.T. y de las J.O.N.S., 1952) 174; RAH Coleccion Salazar y Castro
C-12, f160. 24According to the Real Academia de Espana’s Diccionario,
a “jubete” is "coleto cubierto de malla de hierro que usaron los
soldados españoles hasta fines del siglo XV,” or a type of soldier’s
jacket that was typical covered with chain mail.” 25ACP Actas Capitulares 1459-1476, Libro 3, fol. 195v-196. 26ACP Actas Capitulares, Libro 3, fol. 195v-198. 27RAH Salazar y Castro C-20, 211v, 215; RAH Salazar y Castro C-12, f160; Alonso Fernandez, Historia y Anales de la Ciudad y Obispado de Plasencia 174. 28Alonso Fernandez, Historia y Anales de la Ciudad y Obispado de Plasencia 175; AHNSN, Frias Caja 1017/3; AHNSN, Mocejon, caja 7, legajo sin numero. 29AHNSN, Mocejon Caja 7, Legajo sin numero; RAH Coleccion Pellicer, 9/4058,, Folio 1-6, 100 30Thomas Shahan, "Bernardino Lopez De Carvajal," The Catholic, vol. III (New York: Robert Appleton Company [K. Knight], 1908). Encyclopedia, Online Edition |
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